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الحَمدُ للهِ الَّذي أشهَدَنا مَشهَدَ أوليائِهِ في رَجَبٍ وَأوجَبَ عَلَينا مِن حَقِّهِم ما قَد وَجَبَ، وَصَلَّى اللهُ عَلى مُحَمَّدٍ المُنتَجَبِ وَعَلى أوصيائِهِ الحُجُبِ.



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الحَمدُ للهِ الَّذي أشهَدَنا مَشهَدَ أوليائِهِ في رَجَبٍ وَأوجَبَ عَلَينا مِن حَقِّهِم ما قَد وَجَبَ، وَصَلَّى اللهُ عَلى مُحَمَّدٍ المُنتَجَبِ وَعَلى أوصيائِهِ الحُجُبِ.

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation."
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