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А вот так в третьей экономике России выглядит офис госоргана, который претендует на контроль над всей правозащитой, коммерческой и некоммерческой.

Чтобы был понятно место и роль Минюста в современной России, давайте сравним его «офис» с другими «офисами» силовиков Свердловской области.

1. ФСБ
2. МВД
3. МЧС
4. Росгвардия
5. Военные
6. Полпредство Президента
7 и 8. Минюст.

Отсюда вопрос. Дадут ли добро старшие братья силовики на такое мощное усиление младшего брата Минюста?



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А вот так в третьей экономике России выглядит офис госоргана, который претендует на контроль над всей правозащитой, коммерческой и некоммерческой.

Чтобы был понятно место и роль Минюста в современной России, давайте сравним его «офис» с другими «офисами» силовиков Свердловской области.

1. ФСБ
2. МВД
3. МЧС
4. Росгвардия
5. Военные
6. Полпредство Президента
7 и 8. Минюст.

Отсюда вопрос. Дадут ли добро старшие братья силовики на такое мощное усиление младшего брата Минюста?

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Such instructions could actually endanger people — citizens receive air strike warnings via smartphone alerts. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. The fake Zelenskiy account reached 20,000 followers on Telegram before it was shut down, a remedial action that experts say is all too rare. Pavel Durov, a billionaire who embraces an all-black wardrobe and is often compared to the character Neo from "the Matrix," funds Telegram through his personal wealth and debt financing. And despite being one of the world's most popular tech companies, Telegram reportedly has only about 30 employees who defer to Durov for most major decisions about the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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