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نسرین ستوده، وکیل و زندانی سیاسی پیشین، در گفت‌وگو با خبرنگار روزنامه کوریره دلاسرا، دستگیری چچلیا سالا، خبرنگار ایتالیایی در ایران را یک اتفاق شرم‌آور خواند. او گفت: «روزنامه‌نگاری نه جرم است و نه ابزار معامله. همه کشورها باید برای آزادی سالا و دیگر خبرنگاران زندانی متحد شوند.»
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نسرین ستوده، وکیل و زندانی سیاسی پیشین، در گفت‌وگو با خبرنگار روزنامه کوریره دلاسرا، دستگیری چچلیا سالا، خبرنگار ایتالیایی در ایران را یک اتفاق شرم‌آور خواند. او گفت: «روزنامه‌نگاری نه جرم است و نه ابزار معامله. همه کشورها باید برای آزادی سالا و دیگر خبرنگاران زندانی متحد شوند.»
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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. It is unclear who runs the account, although Russia's official Ministry of Foreign Affairs Twitter account promoted the Telegram channel on Saturday and claimed it was operated by "a group of experts & journalists." Oh no. There’s a certain degree of myth-making around what exactly went on, so take everything that follows lightly. Telegram was originally launched as a side project by the Durov brothers, with Nikolai handling the coding and Pavel as CEO, while both were at VK.
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