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📣 انجمن علمی اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران با همکاری مؤسسه توسعه و تحقیقات اقتصادی دانشگاه تهران برگزار می‌کند:

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🔶 مکان: سالن شهید رفیعی واقع در دانشکدهٔ اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران

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📣 انجمن علمی اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران با همکاری مؤسسه توسعه و تحقیقات اقتصادی دانشگاه تهران برگزار می‌کند:

📄 سمینار دینامیک سیستم در اقتصاد

👤 ارائه‌دهنده: دکتر سعید لنگرودی
عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه Bergen نروژ و پژوهشگر سیستم‌های دینامیک

🗓 سه‌شنبه ۳۰ آبان
🕑 ساعت ۱۳
🔶 مکان: سالن شهید رفیعی واقع در دانشکدهٔ اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران

🔵
سمینار رایگان و حضور برای عموم آزاد می‌باشد.

🆔 انجمن علمی اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران
🆔 موسسه توسعه و تحقیقات اقتصادی دانشگاه تهران

BY انجمن علمی اقتصاد دانشگاه تهران




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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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