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А вот и "вероятный противник" для конголезских МиГ-21 и МиГ-17 - габонские Mirage 5G и Mirage 5DG, 1980-е гг.
Полученные в 1978 и 1984 гг. Габоном из Франции самолеты были общей численностью примерно 11 машин. Базировались они на авиабазе во Франсвилле - как раз против Народной республики Конго.
В боях они не участвовали, и пожалуй самое интересное в их службе было то, как они её закончили. Габонские Миражи были проданы в 2000-х гг. ЮАР-овской компании Paramount, которая как раз занималась и занимается перепродажей самолетов, в основном боевых. Взамен у той же компании Paramount была приобретена шестерка Mirage F1AZ, ранее принадлежавших ВВС ЮАР.
А вот и "вероятный противник" для конголезских МиГ-21 и МиГ-17 - габонские Mirage 5G и Mirage 5DG, 1980-е гг.
Полученные в 1978 и 1984 гг. Габоном из Франции самолеты были общей численностью примерно 11 машин. Базировались они на авиабазе во Франсвилле - как раз против Народной республики Конго.
В боях они не участвовали, и пожалуй самое интересное в их службе было то, как они её закончили. Габонские Миражи были проданы в 2000-х гг. ЮАР-овской компании Paramount, которая как раз занималась и занимается перепродажей самолетов, в основном боевых. Взамен у той же компании Paramount была приобретена шестерка Mirage F1AZ, ранее принадлежавших ВВС ЮАР.
The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. And indeed, volatility has been a hallmark of the market environment so far in 2022, with the S&P 500 still down more than 10% for the year-to-date after first sliding into a correction last month. The CBOE Volatility Index, or VIX, has held at a lofty level of more than 30. Lastly, the web previews of t.me links have been given a new look, adding chat backgrounds and design elements from the fully-features Telegram Web client. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
from ar
