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Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…Π° Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΉ ΠΈΠ· ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π²Ρ‹Ρ… ΠΆΠ΅Π½Ρ‰ΠΈΠ½-Π²Ρ€Π°Ρ‡Π΅ΠΉ Π² Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ΅. Π’ 1943 Π³ΠΎΠ΄Ρƒ ΠΎΠ½Π° ΠΎΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ‡ΠΈΠ»Π° ΠœΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΡ†ΠΈΠ½ΡΠΊΠΈΠΉ институт Π² Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Π΅ (Π½Ρ‹Π½Π΅ – Ρ‡Π°ΡΡ‚ΡŒ Багдадского унивСрситСта) ΠΈ стала Ρ€Π°Π±ΠΎΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΡŒ Π² Π±ΠΎΠ»ΡŒΠ½ΠΈΡ†Π΅. Π’ ΠΆΡƒΡ€Π½Π°Π»Π΅ НСприкосновСнный запас Π²Ρ‹ΡˆΠ΅Π» ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²ΠΎΠ΄ ΠΎΡ‚Ρ€Ρ‹Π²ΠΊΠΎΠ² ΠΈΠ· Π΅Ρ‘ воспоминаний.…
Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ



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Β«Π‘Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π° ΠΌΠΎΠΉ ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠΌ Π² османской Π°Ρ€ΠΌΠΈΠΈ, Π° Π·Π°Ρ‚Π΅ΠΌ слуТил Π² иракской. Π’ Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π΅ монархичСского ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€ΠΈΠΎΠ΄Π° [Ρ‚.Π΅. Π² 1920-Ρ…] Π΅Π³ΠΎ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅Π²Π΅Π»ΠΈ Π² министСрство просвСщСния, Π° ΠΏΠΎΠ·ΠΆΠ΅ ΠΈΠ·Π±Ρ€Π°Π»ΠΈ Π΄Π΅ΠΏΡƒΡ‚Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΌ иракского ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π° ΠΎΡ‚ ΠΏΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΈΠ½Ρ†ΠΈΠΈ Π‘Π°Π³Π΄Π°Π΄Β».

Π­Ρ‚ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π»Π° распространённая ΠΊΠ°Ρ€ΡŒΠ΅Ρ€Π½Π°Ρ траСктория. Π‘Ρ€Π΅Π΄ΠΈ политичСской элиты ΠΈ Ρ‡ΠΈΠ½ΠΎΠ²Π½ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠ² монархичСского Π˜Ρ€Π°ΠΊΠ° (1921–1958) Π±Ρ‹Π»ΠΎ Π½Π΅ΠΌΠ°Π»ΠΎ Π±Ρ‹Π²ΡˆΠΈΡ… османских ΠΎΡ„ΠΈΡ†Π΅Ρ€ΠΎΠ², ΠΊΠΎΡ‚ΠΎΡ€Ρ‹Π΅ Π² ΠΊΠΎΠ½Ρ†Π΅ ΠŸΠ΅Ρ€Π²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΌΠΈΡ€ΠΎΠ²ΠΎΠΉ ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π΅ΡˆΠ»ΠΈ Π½Π° сторону Арабского восстания (1916).

πŸ“ΈΠœΡƒΡ…Π°ΠΌΠΌΠ°Π΄ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ (1924), ΠΎΡ‚Π΅Ρ† Π‘Π°Π½ΠΈΡ…ΠΈ Амин Π—Π°ΠΊΠΈ

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Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. "He has to start being more proactive and to find a real solution to this situation, not stay in standby without interfering. It's a very irresponsible position from the owner of Telegram," she said. The gold standard of encryption, known as end-to-end encryption, where only the sender and person who receives the message are able to see it, is available on Telegram only when the Secret Chat function is enabled. Voice and video calls are also completely encrypted.
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