👦🏼 «Разговоры о важном» хотят ввести и в детских садах.
Сейчас патриотические уроки проходят только в школах. В Госдуме заявили, что стоит начинать их раньше, чтобы у детей не возникало внутреннего идеологического противоречия.
Депутаты говорят, что и родители не против того, чтобы ребенок знал о своей гражданской позиции с дошкольного возраста.
👦🏼 «Разговоры о важном» хотят ввести и в детских садах.
Сейчас патриотические уроки проходят только в школах. В Госдуме заявили, что стоит начинать их раньше, чтобы у детей не возникало внутреннего идеологического противоречия.
Депутаты говорят, что и родители не против того, чтобы ребенок знал о своей гражданской позиции с дошкольного возраста.
Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. False news often spreads via public groups, or chats, with potentially fatal effects. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
from ar
