Инфляционные ожидания в России начали снижаться. Такой вывод можно сделать из данных опроса, проведенного «инФОМ» по заказу Банка России. Ожидаемая инфляция упала после нескольких месяцев роста, а наблюдаемая опустилась до значений апреля. Оба показателя сейчас намного ниже, чем в конце прошлого года. Тем не менее реальная инфляция, по официальной статистике, остается высокой. Можно ли предположить, что вскоре индекс потребительских цен последует за ожиданиями людей, разбирались «Известия».
Инфляционные ожидания в России начали снижаться. Такой вывод можно сделать из данных опроса, проведенного «инФОМ» по заказу Банка России. Ожидаемая инфляция упала после нескольких месяцев роста, а наблюдаемая опустилась до значений апреля. Оба показателя сейчас намного ниже, чем в конце прошлого года. Тем не менее реальная инфляция, по официальной статистике, остается высокой. Можно ли предположить, что вскоре индекс потребительских цен последует за ожиданиями людей, разбирались «Известия».
But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
from ar
