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На кадрах видео с телефона Османа Омарова — сына главы Сергокалинского района Магомеда Омарова.

Также известно, что Магомеда Омарова уже задержали и доставили в полицию. Сейчас у него дома проходят обыски.

К слову, до того как Омаров стал чиновником он работал в полиции.

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На кадрах видео с телефона Османа Омарова — сына главы Сергокалинского района Магомеда Омарова.

Также известно, что Магомеда Омарова уже задержали и доставили в полицию. Сейчас у него дома проходят обыски.

К слову, до того как Омаров стал чиновником он работал в полиции.

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Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts. This ability to mix the public and the private, as well as the ability to use bots to engage with users has proved to be problematic. In early 2021, a database selling phone numbers pulled from Facebook was selling numbers for $20 per lookup. Similarly, security researchers found a network of deepfake bots on the platform that were generating images of people submitted by users to create non-consensual imagery, some of which involved children.
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