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ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π²Ρ‹ΠΉ стллбик это осы,
Π° Π²Π½ΠΈΠ·Ρƒ моя ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΡƒΠΆΠΊΠ° Π² Π²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅ ΠΎΠ±Π΄ΠΆΠ΅ΠΊΡ‚Π° ΠΈ ΠΊΠ°ΠΊΠΎΠΉ Ρ‚ΠΎ Ρ€Π°Π½Π΄ΠΎΠΌ Ρ…Π·

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ΠΎΠ±Π΄ΠΆΠ΅ΠΊΡ‚Ρ‹ ΠΌΠΎΠΈ ΠΎΠ±Π΄ΠΆΠ΅ΠΊΡ‚Ρ‹....

ΠΏΠ΅Ρ€Π²Ρ‹ΠΉ стллбик это осы,
Π° Π²Π½ΠΈΠ·Ρƒ моя ΠΏΠΎΠ΄Ρ€ΡƒΠΆΠΊΠ° Π² Π²ΠΈΠ΄Π΅ ΠΎΠ±Π΄ΠΆΠ΅ΠΊΡ‚Π° ΠΈ ΠΊΠ°ΠΊΠΎΠΉ Ρ‚ΠΎ Ρ€Π°Π½Π΄ΠΎΠΌ Ρ…Π·

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He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. The original Telegram channel has expanded into a web of accounts for different locations, including specific pages made for individual Russian cities. There's also an English-language website, which states it is owned by the people who run the Telegram channels. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie MarΓ©chal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford.
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