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📣 Большая политическая Биржа
18-24 октября

📈 Позитивная динамика
Мишустин М.В.
Белоусов А.Р.
Потанин В.О.
Нечаев А.Г.
Авксентьева С.В.
Алиханов А.А.
Воробьев А.Ю.
Здунов А.А.
Меликов С.А.
Никитин Г.С.
Шапша В.В.

📉 Негативная динамика
Дерипаска О.В.
Рогозин Д.О.
Травников А.А.

#БольшаяПолитическаяБиржа

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📣 Большая политическая Биржа
18-24 октября

📈 Позитивная динамика
Мишустин М.В.
Белоусов А.Р.
Потанин В.О.
Нечаев А.Г.
Авксентьева С.В.
Алиханов А.А.
Воробьев А.Ю.
Здунов А.А.
Меликов С.А.
Никитин Г.С.
Шапша В.В.

📉 Негативная динамика
Дерипаска О.В.
Рогозин Д.О.
Травников А.А.

#БольшаяПолитическаяБиржа

@Preemnik

BY Преемник


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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed.
from ar


Telegram Преемник
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