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Я зараз выглядае аднаўленне 3-га палігона Бабруйскай крэпасці. Праект рэканструкцыі крэпасці разлічаны на пяць гадоў і паасобны на некалькі этапаў.

На фота бачна, што са старой цэглы шліфавальнай машынкай счышчаюць рошчыну (навошта?).

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#крэпасці #рэстаўрацыя #бабруйск



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Я зараз выглядае аднаўленне 3-га палігона Бабруйскай крэпасці. Праект рэканструкцыі крэпасці разлічаны на пяць гадоў і паасобны на некалькі этапаў.

На фота бачна, што са старой цэглы шліфавальнай машынкай счышчаюць рошчыну (навошта?).

Фота
#крэпасці #рэстаўрацыя #бабруйск

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Official government accounts have also spread fake fact checks. An official Twitter account for the Russia diplomatic mission in Geneva shared a fake debunking video claiming without evidence that "Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day." The video, which has amassed almost 30,000 views, offered a "how-to" spot misinformation. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report.
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