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📈 Первые акции Ростислава Гольдштейна в качестве ВРИО главы Коми показывают рост на бирже ПолитБрокера.

Выстраивание связей на федеральном и региональном уровне не проходит зря.
Также хороший рейтинг ВРИО получают в качестве кредита доверия по итогу назначения в регион.
Важно эти позиции сохранить и приумножить.



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📈 Первые акции Ростислава Гольдштейна в качестве ВРИО главы Коми показывают рост на бирже ПолитБрокера.

Выстраивание связей на федеральном и региональном уровне не проходит зря.
Также хороший рейтинг ВРИО получают в качестве кредита доверия по итогу назначения в регион.
Важно эти позиции сохранить и приумножить.

BY Усы Печорина


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The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. On Feb. 27, however, he admitted from his Russian-language account that "Telegram channels are increasingly becoming a source of unverified information related to Ukrainian events." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
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