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Русские бомбарды XVI века. Автор рисунка — Андрей Березин.

Слева направо:
Пушка «Царь» (калибр 890 мм), отлита в 1586 г. , мастер Андрей Чохов.
Пушка «Павлин» (калибр 610 мм), 1555 г. , мастер Степан Петров.
«Кашпирова пушка» (калибр 660 мм), 1554 г., мастер Кашпир Ганусов.

За основу реконструкции «Павлина» и «Кашпировой пушки» взяты описи Пушкарского приказа 1694 и 1695 гг.
Обе бомбарды приняли участие во взятии Полоцка в 1563 году. В 1701 году они, как и еще ряд других орудий, были переплавлены.



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Русские бомбарды XVI века. Автор рисунка — Андрей Березин.

Слева направо:
Пушка «Царь» (калибр 890 мм), отлита в 1586 г. , мастер Андрей Чохов.
Пушка «Павлин» (калибр 610 мм), 1555 г. , мастер Степан Петров.
«Кашпирова пушка» (калибр 660 мм), 1554 г., мастер Кашпир Ганусов.

За основу реконструкции «Павлина» и «Кашпировой пушки» взяты описи Пушкарского приказа 1694 и 1695 гг.
Обе бомбарды приняли участие во взятии Полоцка в 1563 году. В 1701 году они, как и еще ряд других орудий, были переплавлены.

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In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so.
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