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Эта история с самолетом точно дело рук СБУ и не стройте никаких иных гипотез. Мои источники мне сообщали о подготовке СБУ "громкого веселья" в эти дни, только не ясно было что конкретно они предпримут. Остается только выяснить детали произошедшего взрыва. А за руководством "Вагнера" они охотились еще с осени прошлого года, даже вознаграждения назначали



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Эта история с самолетом точно дело рук СБУ и не стройте никаких иных гипотез. Мои источники мне сообщали о подготовке СБУ "громкого веселья" в эти дни, только не ясно было что конкретно они предпримут. Остается только выяснить детали произошедшего взрыва. А за руководством "Вагнера" они охотились еще с осени прошлого года, даже вознаграждения назначали

BY Вадим Манукян


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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. "There are a lot of things that Telegram could have been doing this whole time. And they know exactly what they are and they've chosen not to do them. That's why I don't trust them," she said. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
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