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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.



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Oirad-Kalmyk activist nomto küükn has written a manifesto, a supremely important text in the context of the decolonial movement in russia. Written from the experience of living one's own otherness, it speaks honestly about the different stages of accepting one's identity, politicizes ethnicity, and offers not a closed, but multiple interpretations of what it might mean to be Oirad-Kalmyk. Entering into dialogue with texts by non-white feminists such as Audrey Lorde and Sarah Ahmed, from a position of Indigenous feminism, the manifesto of nomto küükn stretches connections across generations and contexts of feminist thought, continuing the work of politicizing emotion, difference, and identity. Doing so makes loving and accepting one's people an act of resistance to the colonial machines of erasure, oppression, and shame.

Read the full text on beda.media, and the fragments—in cards.

We prepared this text in collaboration with Oirad-Kalmyk activist movement Oirad Jisan.

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The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." The regulator said it has been undertaking several campaigns to educate the investors to be vigilant while taking investment decisions based on stock tips. Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups.
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