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📌Денис Драгунский:

Как написала одна моя знакомая, а именно Ирина Драгунская,

«у преступников нет религии, нет национальности, нет пола и возраста, (добавлю, нет даже имен, ибо по именам можно узнать религию и национальность) -- зато у них есть opyжиe -- нoжu, кacтeты, пaлкu, кaмнu.
И они прекрасно себя чувствуют»



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📌Денис Драгунский:

Как написала одна моя знакомая, а именно Ирина Драгунская,

«у преступников нет религии, нет национальности, нет пола и возраста, (добавлю, нет даже имен, ибо по именам можно узнать религию и национальность) -- зато у них есть opyжиe -- нoжu, кacтeты, пaлкu, кaмнu.
И они прекрасно себя чувствуют»

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This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup.
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