▪️Можно ли говорить о том, что Грузия взяла курс на сближение с Москвой? ▪️ Каковы истоки зарождения феномена оппозиционных президентов Грузии? ▪️Какие уроки можно извлечь из абхазского кризиса?
📣Все эти вопросы обсудим в БЮРО с Маркедоновым Сергеем Мирославовичем, ведущим научным сотрудником ИМИ МГИМО, главным редактором журнала «Международная аналитика».
▪️Можно ли говорить о том, что Грузия взяла курс на сближение с Москвой? ▪️ Каковы истоки зарождения феномена оппозиционных президентов Грузии? ▪️Какие уроки можно извлечь из абхазского кризиса?
📣Все эти вопросы обсудим в БЮРО с Маркедоновым Сергеем Мирославовичем, ведущим научным сотрудником ИМИ МГИМО, главным редактором журнала «Международная аналитика».
In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. He adds: "Telegram has become my primary news source."
from br
