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Акции вверх У операторов инфраструктурных проектов (Ротенберги, Ковальчуки, Тимченко) Финансовых операторов (Шувалов, Костин) Куратора промышленной политики (Чемезов) Агропром (Патрушевы) Внутрипол и цифра (Кириенко) Стройка (Хуснуллин)
Из губернаторов в плюсе позитивно упомянутые Игорь Кобзев и Айсен Николаев
Акции вверх У операторов инфраструктурных проектов (Ротенберги, Ковальчуки, Тимченко) Финансовых операторов (Шувалов, Костин) Куратора промышленной политики (Чемезов) Агропром (Патрушевы) Внутрипол и цифра (Кириенко) Стройка (Хуснуллин)
Из губернаторов в плюсе позитивно упомянутые Игорь Кобзев и Айсен Николаев
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war.
from br
