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πŸ‡±πŸ‡§πŸ€”ΠšΡ€ΡƒΠΏΠ½Π΅ΠΉΡˆΠ΅ΠΉ христианской ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠ΅ΠΉ Π² ливанском ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π΅ Π±ΡƒΠ΄ΡƒΡ‚ ЛиванскиС силы. ΠšΡ‚ΠΎ это Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΈΠ΅?

ΠŸΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΡ ЛиванскиС силы выросла ΠΈΠ· ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΈΠΌΡ‘Π½Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ополчСния Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΡ‘Π½ граТданской Π²ΠΎΠΉΠ½Ρ‹ (1975-1990). Π›ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Ρ€Π° ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ Π·ΠΎΠ²ΡƒΡ‚ Π‘Π°ΠΌΠΈΡ€ Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° (Π½Π° Ρ„ΠΎΡ‚ΠΎ), сСйчас Π΅ΠΌΡƒ 69 Π»Π΅Ρ‚.

БСгодня Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° ΠΏΡ€Π΅Ρ‚Π΅Π½Π΄ΡƒΠ΅Ρ‚ Π½Π° Ρ€ΠΎΠ»ΡŒ Π»ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Ρ€Π° ливанских христиан, 17 Π»Π΅Ρ‚ Π½Π°Π·Π°Π΄ ΠΎΠ½ ΠΎΡ‚Π±Ρ‹Π²Π°Π» ΠΏΠΎΠΆΠΈΠ·Π½Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ΅ Π² ливанской Ρ‚ΡŽΡ€ΡŒΠΌΠ΅, Π° Π² сСрСдинС 1970-Ρ… Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹Ρ‡Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ студСнтом-ΠΌΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠΌ ΠΈΠ· Π½Π΅Π±ΠΎΠ³Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΉ сСмьи. Когда Π² странС Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π°ΡΡŒ граТданская Π²ΠΎΠΉΠ½Π°, Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° ΠΏΡ€Π΅Ρ€Π²Π°Π» ΡƒΡ‡Ρ‘Π±Ρƒ ΠΈ, Π±ΡƒΠ΄ΡƒΡ‡ΠΈ Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ Ρ‡Π»Π΅Π½ΠΎΠΌ ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ ΠšΠ°Ρ‚Π°ΠΈΠ±, стал Π±ΠΎΠ΅Π²ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠΌ Π² фалангистском ΠΎΠΏΠΎΠ»Ρ‡Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ.



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πŸ‡±πŸ‡§πŸ€”ΠšΡ€ΡƒΠΏΠ½Π΅ΠΉΡˆΠ΅ΠΉ христианской ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠ΅ΠΉ Π² ливанском ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Π»Π°ΠΌΠ΅Π½Ρ‚Π΅ Π±ΡƒΠ΄ΡƒΡ‚ ЛиванскиС силы. ΠšΡ‚ΠΎ это Ρ‚Π°ΠΊΠΈΠ΅?

ΠŸΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΡ ЛиванскиС силы выросла ΠΈΠ· ΠΎΠ΄Π½ΠΎΠΈΠΌΡ‘Π½Π½ΠΎΠ³ΠΎ ополчСния Π²Ρ€Π΅ΠΌΡ‘Π½ граТданской Π²ΠΎΠΉΠ½Ρ‹ (1975-1990). Π›ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Ρ€Π° ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ Π·ΠΎΠ²ΡƒΡ‚ Π‘Π°ΠΌΠΈΡ€ Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° (Π½Π° Ρ„ΠΎΡ‚ΠΎ), сСйчас Π΅ΠΌΡƒ 69 Π»Π΅Ρ‚.

БСгодня Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° ΠΏΡ€Π΅Ρ‚Π΅Π½Π΄ΡƒΠ΅Ρ‚ Π½Π° Ρ€ΠΎΠ»ΡŒ Π»ΠΈΠ΄Π΅Ρ€Π° ливанских христиан, 17 Π»Π΅Ρ‚ Π½Π°Π·Π°Π΄ ΠΎΠ½ ΠΎΡ‚Π±Ρ‹Π²Π°Π» ΠΏΠΎΠΆΠΈΠ·Π½Π΅Π½Π½ΠΎΠ΅ Π² ливанской Ρ‚ΡŽΡ€ΡŒΠΌΠ΅, Π° Π² сСрСдинС 1970-Ρ… Π±Ρ‹Π» ΠΎΠ±Ρ‹Ρ‡Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ студСнтом-ΠΌΠ΅Π΄ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠΌ ΠΈΠ· Π½Π΅Π±ΠΎΠ³Π°Ρ‚ΠΎΠΉ сСмьи. Когда Π² странС Π½Π°Ρ‡Π°Π»Π°ΡΡŒ граТданская Π²ΠΎΠΉΠ½Π°, Π”ΠΆΠ°Π΄ΠΆΠ° ΠΏΡ€Π΅Ρ€Π²Π°Π» ΡƒΡ‡Ρ‘Π±Ρƒ ΠΈ, Π±ΡƒΠ΄ΡƒΡ‡ΠΈ Π°ΠΊΡ‚ΠΈΠ²Π½Ρ‹ΠΌ Ρ‡Π»Π΅Π½ΠΎΠΌ ΠΏΠ°Ρ€Ρ‚ΠΈΠΈ ΠšΠ°Ρ‚Π°ΠΈΠ±, стал Π±ΠΎΠ΅Π²ΠΈΠΊΠΎΠΌ Π² фалангистском ΠΎΠΏΠΎΠ»Ρ‡Π΅Π½ΠΈΠΈ.

BY Junger OrientalistπŸ•Š




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What distinguishes the app from competitors is its use of what's known as channels: Public or private feeds of photos and videos that can be set up by one person or an organization. The channels have become popular with on-the-ground journalists, aid workers and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, who broadcasts on a Telegram channel. The channels can be followed by an unlimited number of people. Unlike Facebook, Twitter and other popular social networks, there is no advertising on Telegram and the flow of information is not driven by an algorithm. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." But Telegram says people want to keep their chat history when they get a new phone, and they like having a data backup that will sync their chats across multiple devices. And that is why they let people choose whether they want their messages to be encrypted or not. When not turned on, though, chats are stored on Telegram's services, which are scattered throughout the world. But it has "disclosed 0 bytes of user data to third parties, including governments," Telegram states on its website. Official government accounts have also spread fake fact checks. An official Twitter account for the Russia diplomatic mission in Geneva shared a fake debunking video claiming without evidence that "Western and Ukrainian media are creating thousands of fake news on Russia every day." The video, which has amassed almost 30,000 views, offered a "how-to" spot misinformation. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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