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"There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are โ€œprivate amongst their participants,โ€ but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. As a result, the pandemic saw many newcomers to Telegram, including prominent anti-vaccine activists who used the app's hands-off approach to share false information on shots, a study from the Institute for Strategic Dialogue shows. "This time we received the coordinates of enemy vehicles marked 'V' in Kyiv region," it added. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had โ€œno plans to go back,โ€ saying that the nation was currently โ€œincompatible with internet business at the moment.โ€ He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup.
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โ€ข ะะฐัั‚ะพัั‰ะตะต ะธะผั: ะ”ะถะธััƒ.
โ€ข ะŸะพะทะธั†ะธั ะฒ ะณั€ัƒะฟะฟะต: ะฒะพะบะฐะปะธัั‚, ะฒะธะถัƒะฐะป.
โ€ข ะ”ะฐั‚ะฐ ั€ะพะถะดะตะฝะธั: 3 ัะฝะฒะฐั€ั 1995 ะณะพะด.
โ€ข ะœะตัั‚ะพ ั€ะพะถะดะตะฝะธั:ะกะตัƒะป, ะฎะถะฝะฐั ะšะพั€ะตั.

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