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По средам мы носим розовое!

К Хэллоуину и 20-летию фильма «Дрянные девчонки» Bratz выпустит 4 куклы 💅🏻

Продаваться они будут в коробках-книгах Burn Book

✔️ 3 октября выйдет кукла Кэди — 60 $
✔️ 17 октября Реджина — 60 $
✔️ 30 октября набор с Грэтхен и Карен — 100 $

Захотелось 🫡



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По средам мы носим розовое!

К Хэллоуину и 20-летию фильма «Дрянные девчонки» Bratz выпустит 4 куклы 💅🏻

Продаваться они будут в коробках-книгах Burn Book

✔️ 3 октября выйдет кукла Кэди — 60 $
✔️ 17 октября Реджина — 60 $
✔️ 30 октября набор с Грэтхен и Карен — 100 $

Захотелось 🫡

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Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today." "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said.
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