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Хеппі бьоздей ту мі, мені вже аж 5 рочків.

Я дуже рада, що маю свій канал і маю змогу розвивати своє вміння. Та я також дуже вдячна, що ви мене підтримуєте, дякую вам усім, що ви є ♡⁠(⁠>⁠ ⁠ਊ⁠ ⁠<⁠)⁠♡
Найліпшим подарунком буде мені це репост моїх робіт :33

Ну а також ви можете зробити донатик мені :: https://send.monobank.ua/jar/Fuv17TsHZ

Або ж на русоріз :: http://send.monobank.ua/jar/dzBdJ3737



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Хеппі бьоздей ту мі, мені вже аж 5 рочків.

Я дуже рада, що маю свій канал і маю змогу розвивати своє вміння. Та я також дуже вдячна, що ви мене підтримуєте, дякую вам усім, що ви є ♡⁠(⁠>⁠ ⁠ਊ⁠ ⁠<⁠)⁠♡
Найліпшим подарунком буде мені це репост моїх робіт :33

Ну а також ви можете зробити донатик мені :: https://send.monobank.ua/jar/Fuv17TsHZ

Або ж на русоріз :: http://send.monobank.ua/jar/dzBdJ3737

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Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy." The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel. Anastasia Vlasova/Getty Images The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform.
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