Пока Симон Боливар освобождал от испанцев территории сегодняшних Колумбии, Венесуэлы, Эквадора и Панамы, его учитель Симон Родригес жил в Российской империи и учил детей чтению и письму.
Уехал к ученику в 1823 году и был назначен «директором по народному образованию, физическим и математическим наукам и искусствам» Перу и «директором копей, сельского хозяйства и общественных дорог» Боливии.
Пока Симон Боливар освобождал от испанцев территории сегодняшних Колумбии, Венесуэлы, Эквадора и Панамы, его учитель Симон Родригес жил в Российской империи и учил детей чтению и письму.
Уехал к ученику в 1823 году и был назначен «директором по народному образованию, физическим и математическим наукам и искусствам» Перу и «директором копей, сельского хозяйства и общественных дорог» Боливии.
Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych.
from br
