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Противопехотная осколочная мина направленного поражения МОН-50.

Установлена на неизвлекаемость на мину-ловушку фугасного разгрузочного действия МЛ-8 с подложенной под неё тротиловой шашкой.

Хотя эту МЛ-8 в условиях БД часто заменяет обычная граната.

#огневая #мины



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Противопехотная осколочная мина направленного поражения МОН-50.

Установлена на неизвлекаемость на мину-ловушку фугасного разгрузочного действия МЛ-8 с подложенной под неё тротиловой шашкой.

Хотя эту МЛ-8 в условиях БД часто заменяет обычная граната.

#огневая #мины

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On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change. Messages are not fully encrypted by default. That means the company could, in theory, access the content of the messages, or be forced to hand over the data at the request of a government. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war.
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