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🎖مقالهٔ «آمریکا، انگلستان و تحولات منطقه غرب آسیا»

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رحمان حبیبی
دکتر حسین پوراحمدی (استاد روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران)

📚کارگروه #منابع شبکۀ اقتصاد سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل

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🎖مقالهٔ «آمریکا، انگلستان و تحولات منطقه غرب آسیا»

✍️نویسندگان
رحمان حبیبی
دکتر حسین پوراحمدی (استاد روابط بین‌الملل دانشگاه شهید بهشتی تهران)

📚کارگروه #منابع شبکۀ اقتصاد سیاسی و روابط بین‌الملل

@Inter_Politics

BY اقتصاد سیاسی بین‌الملل


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Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. "Someone posing as a Ukrainian citizen just joins the chat and starts spreading misinformation, or gathers data, like the location of shelters," Tsekhanovska said, noting how false messages have urged Ukrainians to turn off their phones at a specific time of night, citing cybersafety. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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