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Петербурженка нашла в конфетах «Маска» жирного червяка. Накануне червей в этих же конфетах нашла жительница Перми. После инцидента Магнит даже закрыли на два месяца. При этом эти конфеты продолжают продавать в российских магазинах. @banki_oil



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Петербурженка нашла в конфетах «Маска» жирного червяка. Накануне червей в этих же конфетах нашла жительница Перми. После инцидента Магнит даже закрыли на два месяца. При этом эти конфеты продолжают продавать в российских магазинах. @banki_oil

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On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. In the United States, Telegram's lower public profile has helped it mostly avoid high level scrutiny from Congress, but it has not gone unnoticed. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel.
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