В Южной Корее суд принял решение о выдаче ордера на арест бывшему президенту Юн Сок Ёлю после того, как он ушел с поста из-за попытки введения военного положения. Об этом сообщили представители правоохранительных органов.
Этот случай стал первым в истории Южной Кореи, когда ордер на арест был выдан главе государства, находившемуся у власти.
В Южной Корее суд принял решение о выдаче ордера на арест бывшему президенту Юн Сок Ёлю после того, как он ушел с поста из-за попытки введения военного положения. Об этом сообщили представители правоохранительных органов.
Этот случай стал первым в истории Южной Кореи, когда ордер на арест был выдан главе государства, находившемуся у власти.
The next bit isn’t clear, but Durov reportedly claimed that his resignation, dated March 21st, was an April Fools’ prank. TechCrunch implies that it was a matter of principle, but it’s hard to be clear on the wheres, whos and whys. Similarly, on April 17th, the Moscow Times quoted Durov as saying that he quit the company after being pressured to reveal account details about Ukrainians protesting the then-president Viktor Yanukovych. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. As the war in Ukraine rages, the messaging app Telegram has emerged as the go-to place for unfiltered live war updates for both Ukrainian refugees and increasingly isolated Russians alike. Telegram was co-founded by Pavel and Nikolai Durov, the brothers who had previously created VKontakte. VK is Russia’s equivalent of Facebook, a social network used for public and private messaging, audio and video sharing as well as online gaming. In January, SimpleWeb reported that VK was Russia’s fourth most-visited website, after Yandex, YouTube and Google’s Russian-language homepage. In 2016, Forbes’ Michael Solomon described Pavel Durov (pictured, below) as the “Mark Zuckerberg of Russia.” Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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