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👀А вот и рендеры того, что появится на месте бывшей школы по адресу: Сущевский Вал, 64. Территорию уже давно перепрофилировали под офисную. Дети ж выросли, школа не нужна, зато нужны офисы🤨
Опять «уникальная» архитектура, «уникальные» стекла и «уникальный» цвет🙁
Зачем столько этажей? Приглядитесь! На визуалах соседние дома примерно 10-этажные….это же сколько будет в этой сосульке? 30-35….и это, наверное, минимум😡
👀А вот и рендеры того, что появится на месте бывшей школы по адресу: Сущевский Вал, 64. Территорию уже давно перепрофилировали под офисную. Дети ж выросли, школа не нужна, зато нужны офисы🤨
Опять «уникальная» архитектура, «уникальные» стекла и «уникальный» цвет🙁
Зачем столько этажей? Приглядитесь! На визуалах соседние дома примерно 10-этажные….это же сколько будет в этой сосульке? 30-35….и это, наверное, минимум😡
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." The War on Fakes channel has repeatedly attempted to push conspiracies that footage from Ukraine is somehow being falsified. One post on the channel from February 24 claimed without evidence that a widely viewed photo of a Ukrainian woman injured in an airstrike in the city of Chuhuiv was doctored and that the woman was seen in a different photo days later without injuries. The post, which has over 600,000 views, also baselessly claimed that the woman's blood was actually makeup or grape juice. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights.
from ca
