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Длительность наиболее знаковых войн

17 035 дней. Кавказская 1817-1864
3 342. Афганская 1979-1989
3 339. Сирийская 2015-2024 (активная фаза 804)
1 623. Гражданская 1918-1923 (есть и другие версии сроков)
1 418. Советско-германская во время Второй мировой 1941-1945
1 310. Русско-германская во время Первой мировой 1914-1918
897. Крымская 1853-1856
722. Советско-польская 1919-1921
630. Первая чеченская 1994-1996
575. Русско-японская 1904-1905
186. Русско-французская 1812 (историография обычно не учитывает последующие действия за пределами территории России)
104. Советско-финская 1939-1940
26. Советско-японская 1945
5. Российско-грузинская 2008



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Длительность наиболее знаковых войн

17 035 дней. Кавказская 1817-1864
3 342. Афганская 1979-1989
3 339. Сирийская 2015-2024 (активная фаза 804)
1 623. Гражданская 1918-1923 (есть и другие версии сроков)
1 418. Советско-германская во время Второй мировой 1941-1945
1 310. Русско-германская во время Первой мировой 1914-1918
897. Крымская 1853-1856
722. Советско-польская 1919-1921
630. Первая чеченская 1994-1996
575. Русско-японская 1904-1905
186. Русско-французская 1812 (историография обычно не учитывает последующие действия за пределами территории России)
104. Советско-финская 1939-1940
26. Советско-японская 1945
5. Российско-грузинская 2008

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For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "Russians are really disconnected from the reality of what happening to their country," Andrey said. "So Telegram has become essential for understanding what's going on to the Russian-speaking world." In a message on his Telegram channel recently recounting the episode, Durov wrote: "I lost my company and my home, but would do it again – without hesitation." "For Telegram, accountability has always been a problem, which is why it was so popular even before the full-scale war with far-right extremists and terrorists from all over the world," she told AFP from her safe house outside the Ukrainian capital. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup.
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