Вечер. Подворотня. Трое юнцов. Скука. Идет мужик. — Дядя, дай закурить! — Не курю, ребята. — А в морду? — Держи! Юнец сносит ворота, мужик идет дальше. — Дядя, а за что? — Сигареты дома остались, а "в морду" у меня завсегда с собой!
Вечер. Подворотня. Трое юнцов. Скука. Идет мужик. — Дядя, дай закурить! — Не курю, ребята. — А в морду? — Держи! Юнец сносит ворота, мужик идет дальше. — Дядя, а за что? — Сигареты дома остались, а "в морду" у меня завсегда с собой!
Oleksandra Matviichuk, a Kyiv-based lawyer and head of the Center for Civil Liberties, called Durov’s position "very weak," and urged concrete improvements. Two days after Russia invaded Ukraine, an account on the Telegram messaging platform posing as President Volodymyr Zelenskiy urged his armed forces to surrender. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback.
from cn
