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Дочь депутатки Ирины Яровой получила квартиру за три млн $. Адрес Весковский тупик 3 42. Помимо тупика, в Москве есть Весковский переулок. И там свой дом 3. Тоже люкс. Квартира 42 этого дома ещё больше, стоит 4 млн $. Внутри живёт Александр Пронин. Сын Владимира Пронина, что руководил ГУВД Москвы. Яровой-дочери платит иноагент Год Нисанов. Он же озолотил Пронина-младшего. Мистика, не иначе. Тот же Год содержит сына главы МВД Владимира Колокольцева. И кормит всю семью директора СВР Нарышкина. Агент влияния другой страны, комбо госизмены.
Дочь депутатки Ирины Яровой получила квартиру за три млн $. Адрес Весковский тупик 3 42. Помимо тупика, в Москве есть Весковский переулок. И там свой дом 3. Тоже люкс. Квартира 42 этого дома ещё больше, стоит 4 млн $. Внутри живёт Александр Пронин. Сын Владимира Пронина, что руководил ГУВД Москвы. Яровой-дочери платит иноагент Год Нисанов. Он же озолотил Пронина-младшего. Мистика, не иначе. Тот же Год содержит сына главы МВД Владимира Колокольцева. И кормит всю семью директора СВР Нарышкина. Агент влияния другой страны, комбо госизмены.
BY Инфобомба
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At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. "Russians are really disconnected from the reality of what happening to their country," Andrey said. "So Telegram has become essential for understanding what's going on to the Russian-speaking world." Groups are also not fully encrypted, end-to-end. This includes private groups. Private groups cannot be seen by other Telegram users, but Telegram itself can see the groups and all of the communications that you have in them. All of the same risks and warnings about channels can be applied to groups.
from cn
