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Minusinsk jail

Since late 2023 no fewer than three anti-war prisoners have been sent to Minusinsk high-security prison. In the following posts we will tell you about the history of the prison, its population and the people who have ended up there for their acts of protest against the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

We have previously posted on Eniseisk prison and its inmates.

To read more about the conditions in high-security prisons, reading our posts on "What is the clink?"

You can support the inmates of Minusinsk prison by sending letters:

✉️ Russia, 662606, Красноярский край, г. Минусинск, ул. Горького, д. 114, ФКУ Т

Zhuchkov Anton Aleksandrovich, born 1983 (Жучков Антон Александрович 1983 г.р.)

Chishkovsky Maksim Sergeevich born 1980 (Чишковский Максим Сергеевич 1980 г.р.)

📧 You can write via PrisonMail.Online service: "Krasnoyarsk region" ⮕ "Minusinsk prison"

ℹ️ How can I write letters to political prisoners in Russia?

На русском

#writingletters #english
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Minusinsk jail

Since late 2023 no fewer than three anti-war prisoners have been sent to Minusinsk high-security prison. In the following posts we will tell you about the history of the prison, its population and the people who have ended up there for their acts of protest against the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

We have previously posted on Eniseisk prison and its inmates.

To read more about the conditions in high-security prisons, reading our posts on "What is the clink?"

You can support the inmates of Minusinsk prison by sending letters:

✉️ Russia, 662606, Красноярский край, г. Минусинск, ул. Горького, д. 114, ФКУ Т

Zhuchkov Anton Aleksandrovich, born 1983 (Жучков Антон Александрович 1983 г.р.)

Chishkovsky Maksim Sergeevich born 1980 (Чишковский Максим Сергеевич 1980 г.р.)

📧 You can write via PrisonMail.Online service: "Krasnoyarsk region" ⮕ "Minusinsk prison"

ℹ️ How can I write letters to political prisoners in Russia?

На русском

#writingletters #english

BY Зона солидарности













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Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into." The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Recently, Durav wrote on his Telegram channel that users' right to privacy, in light of the war in Ukraine, is "sacred, now more than ever." Pavel Durov, Telegram's CEO, is known as "the Russian Mark Zuckerberg," for co-founding VKontakte, which is Russian for "in touch," a Facebook imitator that became the country's most popular social networking site.
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Telegram Зона солидарности
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