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🇷🇺📊 В пятницу ФОМ опубликовал очередную серию своего «барометра», шестого хронологически после ЕДГ-24. Ниже – электоральные рейтинги:

🐻 «Единая Россия» — 44%;
🛠 КПРФ — 7%;
🗽 ЛДПР — 10%;
⚖️ «СРЗП» — 3%;
👨 «Новые люди» — 3%.

Забавное наблюдение: абсолютно все котировки партий остались там же, где и неделю назад, с точностью до процента. Такой вот постэлекторальный штиль.
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🇷🇺📊 В пятницу ФОМ опубликовал очередную серию своего «барометра», шестого хронологически после ЕДГ-24. Ниже – электоральные рейтинги:

🐻 «Единая Россия» — 44%;
🛠 КПРФ — 7%;
🗽 ЛДПР — 10%;
⚖️ «СРЗП» — 3%;
👨 «Новые люди» — 3%.

Забавное наблюдение: абсолютно все котировки партий остались там же, где и неделю назад, с точностью до процента. Такой вот постэлекторальный штиль.

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Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Andrey, a Russian entrepreneur living in Brazil who, fearing retaliation, asked that NPR not use his last name, said Telegram has become one of the few places Russians can access independent news about the war. This provided opportunity to their linked entities to offload their shares at higher prices and make significant profits at the cost of unsuspecting retail investors. The last couple days have exemplified that uncertainty. On Thursday, news emerged that talks in Turkey between the Russia and Ukraine yielded no positive result. But on Friday, Reuters reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin said there had been some “positive shifts” in talks between the two sides.
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