Едем в Амстердам, идем в музей кино, выбираем покоцанную фоточку Хекмана за евро, ищем в гугле фильм по фотке, находим фильм, смотрим 👌🏻
У «Мишени» (Артур Пенн, 1985)удивительно низкие рейтинги, а мне понравилась эта шпионская клюква, самое то для конца рабочей недели. Как сказал бы Джо Триббиани: «А что? Хекман — хорошо, Диллон — хорошо».
Едем в Амстердам, идем в музей кино, выбираем покоцанную фоточку Хекмана за евро, ищем в гугле фильм по фотке, находим фильм, смотрим 👌🏻
У «Мишени» (Артур Пенн, 1985)удивительно низкие рейтинги, а мне понравилась эта шпионская клюква, самое то для конца рабочей недели. Как сказал бы Джо Триббиани: «А что? Хекман — хорошо, Диллон — хорошо».
He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. Soloviev also promoted the channel in a post he shared on his own Telegram, which has 580,000 followers. The post recommended his viewers subscribe to "War on Fakes" in a time of fake news. But the Ukraine Crisis Media Center's Tsekhanovska points out that communications are often down in zones most affected by the war, making this sort of cross-referencing a luxury many cannot afford. Again, in contrast to Facebook, Google and Twitter, Telegram's founder Pavel Durov runs his company in relative secrecy from Dubai. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
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