یکم مهرماه 1324، سینما رکس در خیابان لاله‌زار و نبش کوچه سینما البرز افتتاح شد
🔹طراحی سردر ورودی سینما را بوریس ماتوی‌یف، هنرمند روس انجام داده بود و مالکیت این سینما را که جزو سینماهای درجه یک پایتخت محسوب می‌شد، برادران رشیدیان (اسدالله، سیف‌الله و قدرت‌الله) در اختیار داشتند
🔹نخستین فیلمی که در این سینما به نمایش درآمد، فیلم «همه جا با تو» (نام اصلی: جایی تو را خواهم یافت) با نقش‌آفرینی کلارگ گیبل بود
🔹پس از انقلاب ۵۷، سینما رکس در کنار بسیاری دیگر از املاک خاندان رشیدیان مصادره شد و بدین‌ترتیب بنیاد مستضعفان با تغییر نام سینما به «لاله»، مالکیت آن را برعهده گرفت
یکم مهرماه 1324، سینما رکس در خیابان لاله‌زار و نبش کوچه سینما البرز افتتاح شد
🔹طراحی سردر ورودی سینما را بوریس ماتوی‌یف، هنرمند روس انجام داده بود و مالکیت این سینما را که جزو سینماهای درجه یک پایتخت محسوب می‌شد، برادران رشیدیان (اسدالله، سیف‌الله و قدرت‌الله) در اختیار داشتند
🔹نخستین فیلمی که در این سینما به نمایش درآمد، فیلم «همه جا با تو» (نام اصلی: جایی تو را خواهم یافت) با نقش‌آفرینی کلارگ گیبل بود
🔹پس از انقلاب ۵۷، سینما رکس در کنار بسیاری دیگر از املاک خاندان رشیدیان مصادره شد و بدین‌ترتیب بنیاد مستضعفان با تغییر نام سینما به «لاله»، مالکیت آن را برعهده گرفت
"There is a significant risk of insider threat or hacking of Telegram systems that could expose all of these chats to the Russian government," said Eva Galperin with the Electronic Frontier Foundation, which has called for Telegram to improve its privacy practices. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. At its heart, Telegram is little more than a messaging app like WhatsApp or Signal. But it also offers open channels that enable a single user, or a group of users, to communicate with large numbers in a method similar to a Twitter account. This has proven to be both a blessing and a curse for Telegram and its users, since these channels can be used for both good and ill. Right now, as Wired reports, the app is a key way for Ukrainians to receive updates from the government during the invasion.
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