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ɴᴀ ᴠᴛᴏʀᴏɪ sᴇᴀɴs sᴍᴇsʜᴀʀɪᴋᴏᴠ ɪ ɪʜ sᴋᴜꜰᴀʀɪᴋᴏᴠ ɴɪᴋᴛᴏ ɴᴇ ᴘʀɪsʜᴇʟ

«sᴅᴇʟᴀᴇᴍ ᴠɪᴅ» ᴄʜᴛᴏ ᴅᴀᴊᴇ ɴᴇᴍɴᴏᴊᴇᴄʜᴋᴏ ʀᴀᴅɪ

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ᴋɪɴᴏ⁶⁹.ᴄʟᴜʙ



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ᴀ ᴠᴏᴛ ɪ ᴘᴇʀᴠɪɪ sᴇᴀɴs ʙᴇᴢ ᴢʀɪᴛᴇʟᴇɪ

ɴᴀ ᴠᴛᴏʀᴏɪ sᴇᴀɴs sᴍᴇsʜᴀʀɪᴋᴏᴠ ɪ ɪʜ sᴋᴜꜰᴀʀɪᴋᴏᴠ ɴɪᴋᴛᴏ ɴᴇ ᴘʀɪsʜᴇʟ

«sᴅᴇʟᴀᴇᴍ ᴠɪᴅ» ᴄʜᴛᴏ ᴅᴀᴊᴇ ɴᴇᴍɴᴏᴊᴇᴄʜᴋᴏ ʀᴀᴅɪ

🎥
ᴋɪɴᴏ⁶⁹.ᴄʟᴜʙ

BY ᴋɪɴᴏᴄʟᴜʙ 𝟲.𝟵




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In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. READ MORE Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching. "The argument from Telegram is, 'You should trust us because we tell you that we're trustworthy,'" Maréchal said. "It's really in the eye of the beholder whether that's something you want to buy into."
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