🫡У Москві влаштували "полювання" на військовозобовʼязаних, — росЗМІ.
У місцевих пабліках пишуть, що чоловіків затримують та «бусифікують» в єдиний пункт призову. Їм також розсилають SMS із погрозами закриття виїзду з країни.
Тим часом у мережі з'явилося відео нібито рейду силовиків у московському клубі Inferno.
🫡У Москві влаштували "полювання" на військовозобовʼязаних, — росЗМІ.
У місцевих пабліках пишуть, що чоловіків затримують та «бусифікують» в єдиний пункт призову. Їм також розсилають SMS із погрозами закриття виїзду з країни.
Тим часом у мережі з'явилося відео нібито рейду силовиків у московському клубі Inferno.
In 2014, Pavel Durov fled the country after allies of the Kremlin took control of the social networking site most know just as VK. Russia's intelligence agency had asked Durov to turn over the data of anti-Kremlin protesters. Durov refused to do so. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. But Kliuchnikov, the Ukranian now in France, said he will use Signal or WhatsApp for sensitive conversations, but questions around privacy on Telegram do not give him pause when it comes to sharing information about the war.
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