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Владу в Грузії давно і міцно захопили антропоморфні хінкалі. Тепер вони борються з "українізацією Грузії" (що це сука, навіщо, як?) і Європейським Діп Стейт. Останній Хрестовий Похід Православних Футболістів на Ватикан, my ass. Хоч би і діп стейт, ваша то справа яка?

Сподіваюся, народ Грузії ці хінкалі з'їсть.



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Владу в Грузії давно і міцно захопили антропоморфні хінкалі. Тепер вони борються з "українізацією Грузії" (що це сука, навіщо, як?) і Європейським Діп Стейт. Останній Хрестовий Похід Православних Футболістів на Ватикан, my ass. Хоч би і діп стейт, ваша то справа яка?

Сподіваюся, народ Грузії ці хінкалі з'їсть.

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These administrators had built substantial positions in these scrips prior to the circulation of recommendations and offloaded their positions subsequent to rise in price of these scrips, making significant profits at the expense of unsuspecting investors, Sebi noted. "Like the bombing of the maternity ward in Mariupol," he said, "Even before it hits the news, you see the videos on the Telegram channels." On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. For example, WhatsApp restricted the number of times a user could forward something, and developed automated systems that detect and flag objectionable content. Unlike Silicon Valley giants such as Facebook and Twitter, which run very public anti-disinformation programs, Brooking said: "Telegram is famously lax or absent in its content moderation policy."
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