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Оказывается, если:

- осложнить выход на рынок любых зарубежных производителей за счёт непризнания любой регистрации, кроме российской, весьма недешёвой

- дополнительно демотивировать их к выходу на рынок через механизм, запрещающий участвовать в государственных торгах при наличии двух и более российских участников

- зафиксировать цены на жизненно важные препараты

то есть риск получить дефицит физраствора при растущем бюджете здравоохранения. Насколько я знаю, вменяемого единого учебника по оргздраву в России нет, но этот кейс туда прекрасно ложится.



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Оказывается, если:

- осложнить выход на рынок любых зарубежных производителей за счёт непризнания любой регистрации, кроме российской, весьма недешёвой

- дополнительно демотивировать их к выходу на рынок через механизм, запрещающий участвовать в государственных торгах при наличии двух и более российских участников

- зафиксировать цены на жизненно важные препараты

то есть риск получить дефицит физраствора при растущем бюджете здравоохранения. Насколько я знаю, вменяемого единого учебника по оргздраву в России нет, но этот кейс туда прекрасно ложится.

BY Субъективный оргздрав


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In February 2014, the Ukrainian people ousted pro-Russian president Viktor Yanukovych, prompting Russia to invade and annex the Crimean peninsula. By the start of April, Pavel Durov had given his notice, with TechCrunch saying at the time that the CEO had resisted pressure to suppress pages criticizing the Russian government. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Friday’s performance was part of a larger shift. For the week, the Dow, S&P 500 and Nasdaq fell 2%, 2.9%, and 3.5%, respectively. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. "There are several million Russians who can lift their head up from propaganda and try to look for other sources, and I'd say that most look for it on Telegram," he said.
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