На Поклонной горе в Музее Победы состоялась презентация символа 80-летия Победы. Логотип украшает изображение скульптуры "Родина-мать", как символа самопожертвования и единства.
Презентация открыла цикл из 170 мероприятий, посвященных 80-летию Победы.
На Поклонной горе в Музее Победы состоялась презентация символа 80-летия Победы. Логотип украшает изображение скульптуры "Родина-мать", как символа самопожертвования и единства.
Презентация открыла цикл из 170 мероприятий, посвященных 80-летию Победы.
Although some channels have been removed, the curation process is considered opaque and insufficient by analysts. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. He said that since his platform does not have the capacity to check all channels, it may restrict some in Russia and Ukraine "for the duration of the conflict," but then reversed course hours later after many users complained that Telegram was an important source of information. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. The account, "War on Fakes," was created on February 24, the same day Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a "special military operation" and troops began invading Ukraine. The page is rife with disinformation, according to The Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, which studies digital extremism and published a report examining the channel.
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