Бойцы расчета ЗУ-23-2 отряда «Факел» закрывают небо над пгт. Гольмовский, что недалеко от Горловки. Противник каждый день предпринимает попытки разведывать местность и наносить удары fpv-дронами по поселку. Охотятся не только за военными, но и за мирными жителями. На вооружении у добровольцев зенитная установка, различные системы РЭБ, fpv-очки, автоматы и даже дробовики.
Бойцы расчета ЗУ-23-2 отряда «Факел» закрывают небо над пгт. Гольмовский, что недалеко от Горловки. Противник каждый день предпринимает попытки разведывать местность и наносить удары fpv-дронами по поселку. Охотятся не только за военными, но и за мирными жителями. На вооружении у добровольцев зенитная установка, различные системы РЭБ, fpv-очки, автоматы и даже дробовики.
Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations.
from es
