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Мартыхин Александр Викторович

Год рождения/место проживания (рождения): 03.07.1973. Архангельская область, г.Северодвинск.
В/ч: 38643 (61 обрмп).

Статус: в плену, жив.

Просим распространить/передать родным информацию о бойце.

Ссылка на канал: https://www.group-telegram.com/es/I_am_will_wait.com
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Мартыхин Александр Викторович

Год рождения/место проживания (рождения): 03.07.1973. Архангельская область, г.Северодвинск.
В/ч: 38643 (61 обрмп).

Статус: в плену, жив.

Просим распространить/передать родным информацию о бойце.

Ссылка на канал: https://www.group-telegram.com/es/I_am_will_wait.com
Прислать информацию для поиска пропавшего: @I_will_wait_bot

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Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations. At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders.
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