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5 января 1973 года с борта самолёта Ан-12Б на высоте 800 метров было впервые в мире проведено десантирование боевой машины десанта (БМД-1) с экипажем. Командиром экипажа был подполковник Леонид Гаврилович Зуев, а оператором-наводчиком — старший лейтенант Александр Васильевич Маргелов, сын командующего Воздушно-десантными войсками. Десантирование было произведено с помощью системы «Кентавр» с аэродрома «Слободка».



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5 января 1973 года с борта самолёта Ан-12Б на высоте 800 метров было впервые в мире проведено десантирование боевой машины десанта (БМД-1) с экипажем. Командиром экипажа был подполковник Леонид Гаврилович Зуев, а оператором-наводчиком — старший лейтенант Александр Васильевич Маргелов, сын командующего Воздушно-десантными войсками. Десантирование было произведено с помощью системы «Кентавр» с аэродрома «Слободка».

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That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. Just days after Russia invaded Ukraine, Durov wrote that Telegram was "increasingly becoming a source of unverified information," and he worried about the app being used to "incite ethnic hatred." Telegram does offer end-to-end encrypted communications through Secret Chats, but this is not the default setting. Standard conversations use the MTProto method, enabling server-client encryption but with them stored on the server for ease-of-access. This makes using Telegram across multiple devices simple, but also means that the regular Telegram chats you’re having with folks are not as secure as you may believe. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers.
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