С блатным А219МР77 поехал новый мерс Геннадия Дюмина, отца фаворита президента Алексея Дюмина. Старые авто Геннадия купила фирма Ирвин 2, концерн Фармэко. Это была взятка благоворительность. Фармэко нанял 71-летнего пенса Геннадия. И начал его обогащать, как уникального топа фармацевтики. Когда Алексей Дюмин стал тульским губером, концерн впрягся спонсировать его идеи. Благодарность откатила с миллиардными госзаказами, что выпали Ирвин 2 и Фармэко. Их акционеров несколько. Львовский украинец Владимир Бабий. Министр Сергей Шматко. И Майя Болотова, дочь Николая Токарева из Транснефти. На Инфобомбе был пост, как от Майи гулял муженёк.
С блатным А219МР77 поехал новый мерс Геннадия Дюмина, отца фаворита президента Алексея Дюмина. Старые авто Геннадия купила фирма Ирвин 2, концерн Фармэко. Это была взятка благоворительность. Фармэко нанял 71-летнего пенса Геннадия. И начал его обогащать, как уникального топа фармацевтики. Когда Алексей Дюмин стал тульским губером, концерн впрягся спонсировать его идеи. Благодарность откатила с миллиардными госзаказами, что выпали Ирвин 2 и Фармэко. Их акционеров несколько. Львовский украинец Владимир Бабий. Министр Сергей Шматко. И Майя Болотова, дочь Николая Токарева из Транснефти. На Инфобомбе был пост, как от Майи гулял муженёк.
"We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said. On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. That hurt tech stocks. For the past few weeks, the 10-year yield has traded between 1.72% and 2%, as traders moved into the bond for safety when Russia headlines were ugly—and out of it when headlines improved. Now, the yield is touching its pandemic-era high. If the yield breaks above that level, that could signal that it’s on a sustainable path higher. Higher long-dated bond yields make future profits less valuable—and many tech companies are valued on the basis of profits forecast for many years in the future. "The result is on this photo: fiery 'greetings' to the invaders," the Security Service of Ukraine wrote alongside a photo showing several military vehicles among plumes of black smoke.
from es
