На прогулке наткнулась на афишу спектакля об отношениях Станислава Лема и Филипа К. Дика (статус: все сложно). Я уже писала о нем здесь, но о хороших вещах стоит напоминать почаще. Записи спектакля в сети я, к сожалению, все еще нигде не видела, но для беглого знакомства с ним можно посмотреть вот такой небольшой тизер.
На прогулке наткнулась на афишу спектакля об отношениях Станислава Лема и Филипа К. Дика (статус: все сложно). Я уже писала о нем здесь, но о хороших вещах стоит напоминать почаще. Записи спектакля в сети я, к сожалению, все еще нигде не видела, но для беглого знакомства с ним можно посмотреть вот такой небольшой тизер.
Multiple pro-Kremlin media figures circulated the post's false claims, including prominent Russian journalist Vladimir Soloviev and the state-controlled Russian outlet RT, according to the DFR Lab's report. In addition, Telegram's architecture limits the ability to slow the spread of false information: the lack of a central public feed, and the fact that comments are easily disabled in channels, reduce the space for public pushback. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. On December 23rd, 2020, Pavel Durov posted to his channel that the company would need to start generating revenue. In early 2021, he added that any advertising on the platform would not use user data for targeting, and that it would be focused on “large one-to-many channels.” He pledged that ads would be “non-intrusive” and that most users would simply not notice any change.
from es
