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Мы тоже не думаем, что знак смягчения напряженности. "Последний" обмен? А сидит ещё много, – менее медийных, но тоже ни за что. Очень плохо, что они всё ещё в застенках и казематах. Надеемся (и верим), освобождённые сделают тему оставшихся политзэков одной из своих центральных.
Мы тоже не думаем, что знак смягчения напряженности. "Последний" обмен? А сидит ещё много, – менее медийных, но тоже ни за что. Очень плохо, что они всё ещё в застенках и казематах. Надеемся (и верим), освобождённые сделают тему оставшихся политзэков одной из своих центральных.
BY Политрук 2.0
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For tech stocks, “the main thing is yields,” Essaye said. He floated the idea of restricting the use of Telegram in Ukraine and Russia, a suggestion that was met with fierce opposition from users. Shortly after, Durov backed off the idea. Right now the digital security needs of Russians and Ukrainians are very different, and they lead to very different caveats about how to mitigate the risks associated with using Telegram. For Ukrainians in Ukraine, whose physical safety is at risk because they are in a war zone, digital security is probably not their highest priority. They may value access to news and communication with their loved ones over making sure that all of their communications are encrypted in such a manner that they are indecipherable to Telegram, its employees, or governments with court orders. Russians and Ukrainians are both prolific users of Telegram. They rely on the app for channels that act as newsfeeds, group chats (both public and private), and one-to-one communication. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Telegram has remained an important lifeline for both Russians and Ukrainians, as a way of staying aware of the latest news and keeping in touch with loved ones. For Oleksandra Tsekhanovska, head of the Hybrid Warfare Analytical Group at the Kyiv-based Ukraine Crisis Media Center, the effects are both near- and far-reaching.
from es
