Начинаем обозревать сдвоенный (№16-17) номер «Флагов», вышедший этой зимой и посвящённый визуальной поэзии и трансмедиальному искусству. Объём номера и его «зонтичная» тематика повлияли на механику обзора текстов: мы разделили материалы на несколько групп в зависимости от того, как они работают с графическими и визуальными элементами.
Сегодня приглашаем прочесть стихотворения, работающие с визуальностью самого текста и паратекстовых элементов: эмодзи, специальных символов и особенностей вёрстки. Такая поэзия в номере представлена подборками Татьяны Присталовой, Оли Русаковой (с предисловием Кирилла Шубина), Анастасии Кудашевой, Егора Зернова, Александра Уланова, Софьи Дубровской, Петра Кочеткова и Александры Лисогор.
Начинаем обозревать сдвоенный (№16-17) номер «Флагов», вышедший этой зимой и посвящённый визуальной поэзии и трансмедиальному искусству. Объём номера и его «зонтичная» тематика повлияли на механику обзора текстов: мы разделили материалы на несколько групп в зависимости от того, как они работают с графическими и визуальными элементами.
Сегодня приглашаем прочесть стихотворения, работающие с визуальностью самого текста и паратекстовых элементов: эмодзи, специальных символов и особенностей вёрстки. Такая поэзия в номере представлена подборками Татьяны Присталовой, Оли Русаковой (с предисловием Кирилла Шубина), Анастасии Кудашевой, Егора Зернова, Александра Уланова, Софьи Дубровской, Петра Кочеткова и Александры Лисогор.
On February 27th, Durov posted that Channels were becoming a source of unverified information and that the company lacks the ability to check on their veracity. He urged users to be mistrustful of the things shared on Channels, and initially threatened to block the feature in the countries involved for the length of the war, saying that he didn’t want Telegram to be used to aggravate conflict or incite ethnic hatred. He did, however, walk back this plan when it became clear that they had also become a vital communications tool for Ukrainian officials and citizens to help coordinate their resistance and evacuations. Telegram has become more interventionist over time, and has steadily increased its efforts to shut down these accounts. But this has also meant that the company has also engaged with lawmakers more generally, although it maintains that it doesn’t do so willingly. For instance, in September 2021, Telegram reportedly blocked a chat bot in support of (Putin critic) Alexei Navalny during Russia’s most recent parliamentary elections. Pavel Durov was quoted at the time saying that the company was obliged to follow a “legitimate” law of the land. He added that as Apple and Google both follow the law, to violate it would give both platforms a reason to boot the messenger from its stores. Ukrainian forces have since put up a strong resistance to the Russian troops amid the war that has left hundreds of Ukrainian civilians, including children, dead, according to the United Nations. Ukrainian and international officials have accused Russia of targeting civilian populations with shelling and bombardments. Artem Kliuchnikov and his family fled Ukraine just days before the Russian invasion. Given the pro-privacy stance of the platform, it’s taken as a given that it’ll be used for a number of reasons, not all of them good. And Telegram has been attached to a fair few scandals related to terrorism, sexual exploitation and crime. Back in 2015, Vox described Telegram as “ISIS’ app of choice,” saying that the platform’s real use is the ability to use channels to distribute material to large groups at once. Telegram has acted to remove public channels affiliated with terrorism, but Pavel Durov reiterated that he had no business snooping on private conversations.
from es
