🔶انجمن علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه بیرجند با همکاری انجمن ایرانی مطالعات منطقه ای (شعبه خراسان جنوبی) و معاونت فرهنگی و اجتماعی دانشگاه بیرجند برگزار می کند ،
🔸️ پنجاهمین نشستِ بررسی کتاب 📗 سیاست و سرنوشت 🖊 اثر: اندرو کمبل
🔹️با حضور :
🔺 دکتر احمد بخشی عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند 🔺دکتر پیمان زنگنه عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند 🔺 دکترمحمود پروانه عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند
🔶انجمن علمی علوم سیاسی دانشگاه بیرجند با همکاری انجمن ایرانی مطالعات منطقه ای (شعبه خراسان جنوبی) و معاونت فرهنگی و اجتماعی دانشگاه بیرجند برگزار می کند ،
🔸️ پنجاهمین نشستِ بررسی کتاب 📗 سیاست و سرنوشت 🖊 اثر: اندرو کمبل
🔹️با حضور :
🔺 دکتر احمد بخشی عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند 🔺دکتر پیمان زنگنه عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند 🔺 دکترمحمود پروانه عضو هیئت علمی دانشگاه بیرجند
At this point, however, Durov had already been working on Telegram with his brother, and further planned a mobile-first social network with an explicit focus on anti-censorship. Later in April, he told TechCrunch that he had left Russia and had “no plans to go back,” saying that the nation was currently “incompatible with internet business at the moment.” He added later that he was looking for a country that matched his libertarian ideals to base his next startup. For tech stocks, “the main thing is yields,” Essaye said. "And that set off kind of a battle royale for control of the platform that Durov eventually lost," said Nathalie Maréchal of the Washington advocacy group Ranking Digital Rights. Either way, Durov says that he withdrew his resignation but that he was ousted from his company anyway. Subsequently, control of the company was reportedly handed to oligarchs Alisher Usmanov and Igor Sechin, both allegedly close associates of Russian leader Vladimir Putin. "We as Ukrainians believe that the truth is on our side, whether it's truth that you're proclaiming about the war and everything else, why would you want to hide it?," he said.
from es
