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Новые «Львята» уже завтра пустят в рейс по маршруту №13.

Это четыре односекционных трамвая.  

«Уверен, жителям трамваи понравятся. Вместимость рассчитана на 161 пассажира. В салоне – USB-разъемы, система климат-контроля и современный медиакомплекс, созданы условия для маломобильных граждан» — написал Вячеслав Федорищев в своём телеграм канале.

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Новые «Львята» уже завтра пустят в рейс по маршруту №13.

Это четыре односекционных трамвая.  

«Уверен, жителям трамваи понравятся. Вместимость рассчитана на 161 пассажира. В салоне – USB-разъемы, система климат-контроля и современный медиакомплекс, созданы условия для маломобильных граждан» — написал Вячеслав Федорищев в своём телеграм канале.

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In addition, Telegram now supports the use of third-party streaming tools like OBS Studio and XSplit to broadcast live video, allowing users to add overlays and multi-screen layouts for a more professional look. Telegram, which does little policing of its content, has also became a hub for Russian propaganda and misinformation. Many pro-Kremlin channels have become popular, alongside accounts of journalists and other independent observers. The company maintains that it cannot act against individual or group chats, which are “private amongst their participants,” but it will respond to requests in relation to sticker sets, channels and bots which are publicly available. During the invasion of Ukraine, Pavel Durov has wrestled with this issue a lot more prominently than he has before. Channels like Donbass Insider and Bellum Acta, as reported by Foreign Policy, started pumping out pro-Russian propaganda as the invasion began. So much so that the Ukrainian National Security and Defense Council issued a statement labeling which accounts are Russian-backed. Ukrainian officials, in potential violation of the Geneva Convention, have shared imagery of dead and captured Russian soldiers on the platform. Despite Telegram's origins, its approach to users' security has privacy advocates worried. Emerson Brooking, a disinformation expert at the Atlantic Council's Digital Forensic Research Lab, said: "Back in the Wild West period of content moderation, like 2014 or 2015, maybe they could have gotten away with it, but it stands in marked contrast with how other companies run themselves today."
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